Onggi is an earthenware Korean folk pottery that has been used as tableware and fermentation storage. Due to the abundance of clay and its efficacy in meeting household needs, Onggi ware was essential in Korean homes regardless of region and socio-economic status.1 The form varies from a small bowl to a big storage jar, but in the modern era, Onggi are identified as having a wide rim and bottom with a voluminous shape that tapers down from the shoulder to the belly. People usually locate larger Onggi in the yard or buried underground to control the speed of fermentation, depending on the contents.
Directly translated, Onggi means “jar-vessel.” The vessels are made with regional clay (Onggi clay), and the identity of Onggi is reinforced by the specific usage of tools and processes in their construction. The origins of Korean earthenware date back to the simple vessels in the Neolithic age that were used for storing seeds and grains.2 As time went on, the shapes of ancient pottery changed into diverse forms, depending on their purpose. Onggi is one of the vessels that evolved through this transition.
Onggi is classified into four types that are defined by the firing process, which factors into its usage—Oji Onggi (glazed), Jil Onggi (Raku), Ban Onggi (salt fired), and Phu-rae Onggi (reduction cooled plus salt).
The Four Types of Onggi
Oji Onggi is the type of Onggi decorated inside and outside with glaze that has a mixture of local clay and wood ash. Usually, it shows a dark-brown color due to the rich iron content within the glaze and clay body. Onggi potters usually apply the glaze over the clay body between the leather-hard and bone-dry stages. Afterward, they apply finger marks as a decoration before the glaze dries on the clay body. Usually, these glazed Onggi are fired between 2200°F to 2300°F. In general, the glaze has a much lower melting point than the body; it eases the process of finishing the surface. Therefore, many Onggi potters adopt this production method.
Jil Onggi is a type of Onggi that is unglazed and fired using a raku technique at low temperatures (1300°F–1600°F). Usually, this raku technique is focused on carbon trapping. It is easy to develop using a semi-subterranean kiln structure (like a pit kiln) that limits the access of oxygen from the outside of the kiln. This low-temperature firing maintains the porosity of the clay body, which facilitates air flow. This type of Onggi often serves as water storage.
Ban Onggi is a type of salt-glazed Onggi fired at a high temperature (2300°F–2400°F) with an oxidation atmosphere in the kiln. This firing process allows the salt to react with the silica in the clay body, which forms a glaze on the surface during the firing. This process enhances the aesthetic and functionality of the pieces.3 The oxidation firing process also allows the kiln to cool down quickly, which enhances the glossy surface on the pots, and produces yellow-brown colors from the reaction with the salt.
Phu-rae Onggi is a type of salt-glazed Onggi that involves a reduction-cooling process. The firing reaches a high temperature (2200°F–2400°F), and the reduction cooling is achieved through added pressure along with the introduction of carbon to influence the color of the clay body while the kiln slowly cools down until it reaches the sintering stage. During this stage, the clay body turns to a crystallized charcoal color due to the chemical reaction with the carbon and the metal oxides in the clay body.4 This type of Onggi is popular for its efficacy as a storage vessel and for its durability, which is reinforced by high heat and salt. However, because of the arduous firing process, it could not be easily mass produced in the past.5
History of Onggi
While Onggi can trace its origins back to the prehistory of Korea, its current form’s popularity expanded from the 18th century. Its proliferation is further connected to the history of religion on the Korean peninsula. As Christianity spread in the 18th century, its converts escaped government persecution by hiding in the mountains, where they formed communities. This was particularly true in the northern part of what is now the Republic of Korea, or South Korea. Some of these communities adopted Onggi making as a way to sustain themselves. The materials were conveniently sourced from the surrounding mountains. The Onggi-making process became distinctive as its makers developed techniques that have been passed on for generations.
The methods used for building Onggi are distinguished into two different approaches, depending on the region: coil building and slab building. The former is characteristic of the mid-northern part of South Korea, while the latter is most common in the southern provinces.
After having recovered from Japanese colonial occupation (1910–1945) and the devastations of the Korean War (1950–1953), the Korean economy rapidly expanded. The demand for storage Onggi grew significantly until the 1980s, causing a period of remarkable prosperity for Onggi makers. However, as quickly as it was revived, demand for Onggi dramatically tapered off from the late 1980s as urbanization accelerated. As foreign capital flooded into the cities, people fled the countryside to seize economic opportunity. The urban apartment residential system was effective in attracting a large working population in the heart of the city. This phenomenon changed the living environment of people who no longer had space for the big Onggi pots. Mass-produced, low-cost containers made of glass and stainless steel, along with the introduction of refrigerators, further contributed to the decline in popularity of Onggi. Currently, the tradition of Onggi lives on thanks to a few Onggi makers and collectors.
Where Does Onggi Go From Here?
What is Onggi in this contemporary society? Its use as a utilitarian vessel has decreased as people’s lifestyles have changed. This phenomenon has drawn people’s attention to the object itself as a piece of art, with its distinctive form and rich history. The contemporary world has come to the point of appreciating Onggi in a similar way that they value Korean moon jars or highly decorated Goryeo celadon. These pieces have been perceived as fine-art vessels that often do not necessarily serve practical purposes. Onggi is undergoing a similar transition, where it is now appreciated more for its artistic value than for its utilitarian qualities.
Today, many contemporary ceramic artists adopt Onggi techniques as a part of their creative process. The shapes are changing, techniques have been adapted, and the materials are no longer the same as the traditional combination. As a result, there is a debate within the Korean art community about Onggi’s definition. While some argue that it is disappearing, others claim that it is actually expanding.
I learned how to make Onggi in Korea as an apprentice, and these same questions occurred to me. Among others, I began to reflect on the identity of Onggi and how it is perceived when the materials and the processes have changed. These questions influenced my decision to go on a journey to meet several Onggi masters in Korea. I interviewed them about how they are continuing the traditional methods of making Onggi. These masters strive to preserve traditions and to pass them on to the next generation, largely unchanged. However, such broadly harvested knowledge and craftsmanship become great references for contemporary artists.
Tradition is an important part of the contemporary art world, and this concept makes people value individuals’ collected stories. In the US, in particular, defining this genre (Onggi) is based on the synthesis of many factors in artists’ backgrounds and experience, including traditions. Globalization allows audiences and artists to move from place to place more easily than ever within the contemporary art world. Through this phenomenon, the meanings of objects are rediscovered and reinterpreted, depending on where they are placed. Things are changing and picking up new meaning as time passes. Onggi itself changes its meaning as society changes. Tradition is the product of accumulated human actions and the adoption of collective experiences. In other words, perhaps we have always been a part of building tradition in this shifting contemporary world. Therefore, Onggi is not static, but taking on different meanings through different periods.
the author Hayun Surl is currently a third-year ceramics MFA candidate at Ohio University. Prior to attending Ohio University, he earned a degree in interior design from Hansung University. Surl also completed a 2-year apprenticeship under the master potter In Sung Hwang in South Korea. He learned traditional Korean pottery including Onggi. Surl continues to explore and bridge Eastern and Western art and philosophy in his artistic practice. To learn more, visit www.yoonspottery.com and follow him on Instagram @yoonspottery.
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Onggi is an earthenware Korean folk pottery that has been used as tableware and fermentation storage. Due to the abundance of clay and its efficacy in meeting household needs, Onggi ware was essential in Korean homes regardless of region and socio-economic status.1 The form varies from a small bowl to a big storage jar, but in the modern era, Onggi are identified as having a wide rim and bottom with a voluminous shape that tapers down from the shoulder to the belly. People usually locate larger Onggi in the yard or buried underground to control the speed of fermentation, depending on the contents.
Directly translated, Onggi means “jar-vessel.” The vessels are made with regional clay (Onggi clay), and the identity of Onggi is reinforced by the specific usage of tools and processes in their construction. The origins of Korean earthenware date back to the simple vessels in the Neolithic age that were used for storing seeds and grains.2 As time went on, the shapes of ancient pottery changed into diverse forms, depending on their purpose. Onggi is one of the vessels that evolved through this transition.
Onggi is classified into four types that are defined by the firing process, which factors into its usage—Oji Onggi (glazed), Jil Onggi (Raku), Ban Onggi (salt fired), and Phu-rae Onggi (reduction cooled plus salt).
The Four Types of Onggi
Oji Onggi is the type of Onggi decorated inside and outside with glaze that has a mixture of local clay and wood ash. Usually, it shows a dark-brown color due to the rich iron content within the glaze and clay body. Onggi potters usually apply the glaze over the clay body between the leather-hard and bone-dry stages. Afterward, they apply finger marks as a decoration before the glaze dries on the clay body. Usually, these glazed Onggi are fired between 2200°F to 2300°F. In general, the glaze has a much lower melting point than the body; it eases the process of finishing the surface. Therefore, many Onggi potters adopt this production method.
Jil Onggi is a type of Onggi that is unglazed and fired using a raku technique at low temperatures (1300°F–1600°F). Usually, this raku technique is focused on carbon trapping. It is easy to develop using a semi-subterranean kiln structure (like a pit kiln) that limits the access of oxygen from the outside of the kiln. This low-temperature firing maintains the porosity of the clay body, which facilitates air flow. This type of Onggi often serves as water storage.
Ban Onggi is a type of salt-glazed Onggi fired at a high temperature (2300°F–2400°F) with an oxidation atmosphere in the kiln. This firing process allows the salt to react with the silica in the clay body, which forms a glaze on the surface during the firing. This process enhances the aesthetic and functionality of the pieces.3 The oxidation firing process also allows the kiln to cool down quickly, which enhances the glossy surface on the pots, and produces yellow-brown colors from the reaction with the salt.
Phu-rae Onggi is a type of salt-glazed Onggi that involves a reduction-cooling process. The firing reaches a high temperature (2200°F–2400°F), and the reduction cooling is achieved through added pressure along with the introduction of carbon to influence the color of the clay body while the kiln slowly cools down until it reaches the sintering stage. During this stage, the clay body turns to a crystallized charcoal color due to the chemical reaction with the carbon and the metal oxides in the clay body.4 This type of Onggi is popular for its efficacy as a storage vessel and for its durability, which is reinforced by high heat and salt. However, because of the arduous firing process, it could not be easily mass produced in the past.5
History of Onggi
While Onggi can trace its origins back to the prehistory of Korea, its current form’s popularity expanded from the 18th century. Its proliferation is further connected to the history of religion on the Korean peninsula. As Christianity spread in the 18th century, its converts escaped government persecution by hiding in the mountains, where they formed communities. This was particularly true in the northern part of what is now the Republic of Korea, or South Korea. Some of these communities adopted Onggi making as a way to sustain themselves. The materials were conveniently sourced from the surrounding mountains. The Onggi-making process became distinctive as its makers developed techniques that have been passed on for generations.
The methods used for building Onggi are distinguished into two different approaches, depending on the region: coil building and slab building. The former is characteristic of the mid-northern part of South Korea, while the latter is most common in the southern provinces.
After having recovered from Japanese colonial occupation (1910–1945) and the devastations of the Korean War (1950–1953), the Korean economy rapidly expanded. The demand for storage Onggi grew significantly until the 1980s, causing a period of remarkable prosperity for Onggi makers. However, as quickly as it was revived, demand for Onggi dramatically tapered off from the late 1980s as urbanization accelerated. As foreign capital flooded into the cities, people fled the countryside to seize economic opportunity. The urban apartment residential system was effective in attracting a large working population in the heart of the city. This phenomenon changed the living environment of people who no longer had space for the big Onggi pots. Mass-produced, low-cost containers made of glass and stainless steel, along with the introduction of refrigerators, further contributed to the decline in popularity of Onggi. Currently, the tradition of Onggi lives on thanks to a few Onggi makers and collectors.
Where Does Onggi Go From Here?
What is Onggi in this contemporary society? Its use as a utilitarian vessel has decreased as people’s lifestyles have changed. This phenomenon has drawn people’s attention to the object itself as a piece of art, with its distinctive form and rich history. The contemporary world has come to the point of appreciating Onggi in a similar way that they value Korean moon jars or highly decorated Goryeo celadon. These pieces have been perceived as fine-art vessels that often do not necessarily serve practical purposes. Onggi is undergoing a similar transition, where it is now appreciated more for its artistic value than for its utilitarian qualities.
Today, many contemporary ceramic artists adopt Onggi techniques as a part of their creative process. The shapes are changing, techniques have been adapted, and the materials are no longer the same as the traditional combination. As a result, there is a debate within the Korean art community about Onggi’s definition. While some argue that it is disappearing, others claim that it is actually expanding.
I learned how to make Onggi in Korea as an apprentice, and these same questions occurred to me. Among others, I began to reflect on the identity of Onggi and how it is perceived when the materials and the processes have changed. These questions influenced my decision to go on a journey to meet several Onggi masters in Korea. I interviewed them about how they are continuing the traditional methods of making Onggi. These masters strive to preserve traditions and to pass them on to the next generation, largely unchanged. However, such broadly harvested knowledge and craftsmanship become great references for contemporary artists.
Tradition is an important part of the contemporary art world, and this concept makes people value individuals’ collected stories. In the US, in particular, defining this genre (Onggi) is based on the synthesis of many factors in artists’ backgrounds and experience, including traditions. Globalization allows audiences and artists to move from place to place more easily than ever within the contemporary art world. Through this phenomenon, the meanings of objects are rediscovered and reinterpreted, depending on where they are placed. Things are changing and picking up new meaning as time passes. Onggi itself changes its meaning as society changes. Tradition is the product of accumulated human actions and the adoption of collective experiences. In other words, perhaps we have always been a part of building tradition in this shifting contemporary world. Therefore, Onggi is not static, but taking on different meanings through different periods.
the author Hayun Surl is currently a third-year ceramics MFA candidate at Ohio University. Prior to attending Ohio University, he earned a degree in interior design from Hansung University. Surl also completed a 2-year apprenticeship under the master potter In Sung Hwang in South Korea. He learned traditional Korean pottery including Onggi. Surl continues to explore and bridge Eastern and Western art and philosophy in his artistic practice. To learn more, visit www.yoonspottery.com and follow him on Instagram @yoonspottery.
1, 2 “History of Onggi and Future Value of Onggijang: Monthly Cultural Heritage.” . Accessed August 25, 2021. www.cha.go.kr/cop/bbs/selectBoardArticle.do?nttId=5782&bbsId=BBSMSTR_1008&nm=NS_01_10.
3 Mansfield, Janet. Salt Glaze Ceramics: An International Perspective, Chilton Book Co. Radnor, PA, 1991, 1–3.
4 Jang,YeoungPil. “A Study of The Pu Re Pottery Adding a Mud, Flat of The Pu Re Pottery Clay.” Dissertation, Dankook University, 2012, iii. www.riss.kr/search/detail/DetailView.do?p_mat_type=be54d9b
8bc7cdb09&control_no=d05ffe505946dfceffe0bdc3ef48d419&keyword=%ED%91%B8%EB%A0%88%EA%B7%B8%EB%A6%87.
5 Kim, Hee Ku. “A Study on Production of Flat Pu Re Jar.” Dissertation, Dankook University, 2014, i. www.riss.kr/search/detail/DetailView.do?p_mat_type=be54d9b8bc7cdb09&control_no=1c0d38aa18d
0b5c1ffe0bdc3ef48d419&keyword=%ED%91%B8%EB%A0%88.
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